« Back to Results

Institutions, and Political Economy in MENA Region

Paper Session

Friday, Jan. 5, 2024 8:00 AM - 10:00 AM (CST)

Convention Center, 222
Hosted By: Middle East Economic Association
  • Chair: Hassan Youssef Aly, Nile University

Islamic Constitutions and Targeted Discrimination

Moamen Gouda
,
Hankuk University of Foreign Studies
Jerg Gutmann
,
University of Hamburg

Abstract

Discrimination against religious minorities is widespread in Muslim-majority countries. Their governments impose some of the tightest restrictions on the religious freedom of minorities (Fox 2007, 2014; Grim and Finke 2010). Previous research has shown that, in spite of these clear statistical patterns, the threat to religious minorities is not a direct consequence of the mere composition of countries’ populations. Muslim countries that choose to entrench the use of Islamic law in their constitution show a substantial increase in the government’s religious discrimination against religious minorities. After accounting for the presence of Islamic constitutions, the share of Muslims in society is no longer significantly correlated with religious discrimination (Gouda and Gutmann 2021).
This study examines the effects of formal institutions, specifically constitutions that prescribe Sharia law as a source of legislation, on discrimination targeted against specific religious minorities. We argue that in states where Sharia law becomes constitutionalized, religious minorities will be treated by the state in accordance with their categorization under Islamic law (Gibb and Kramers 1991, p. 206). Theory suggests that the expected level of discrimination rises from orthodox Muslim minorities via other monotheistic and polytheistic religions to apostates and heretical Muslim sects, which are likely to experience the worst forms of religious discrimination.

The EU and North Africa: Towards a Just Twin Transition?

Amira El-Shal
,
Cairo University
Mauro Santaniello
,
United Nations University
Reinhilde Bouckaert
,
United Nations University

Abstract

The digital and clean energy transitions provide the proverbial fertile ground upon which the relationships between the European Union and North African countries can take root. This research focuses on the Euro-Mediterranean dimension of the twin transition. Using qualitative longitudinal analysis, it estimates the extent of the twin transition, its potential implications on EU-North Africa relations, and its relevance for both parties from 2004 to date. The study is structured in three sections. The first reconstructs the historical evolution of the EU southern neighborhood policy in the energy and digital sectors, from the 2004 European Neighbourhood Policy up to the recent twinning of the two transitions. The second section digs into the twin transition project as formulated by EU institutions, and highlights tensions and contradictions between this project and North African needs and aims, especially in the context of a new normal shaped by COVID-19 giving rise to global nationalism, externalisation of EU policies and geopolitical shifts brought about by the ongoing war in Ukraine. The third section provides some conclusions and a set of recommendations to enhance the twin transition as a common project between the EU and North Africa. The following findings emerge: (1) Extending the EU’s twin transition project to its Southern neighborhood constitutes an opportunity to relaunch cooperation. Yet, despite the potential that the twin transition project holds, it is still hampered by certain limitations most notably conflicting priorities for the EU and its partners. (2) The rationale for cooperation appears to be predominantly rooted in a securitisation stance. The relevance of North Africa stems from the perception of the region as strategic with a potentially major impact on stability in the EU.

Informal Employment, Gender Patterns and Policies in MENA Countries

Vladimir Hlasny
,
UN ESCWA
Philippe Adair
,
University of Paris-Est Créteil
Shireen Alazzawi
,
Santa Clara University

Abstract

Why is there persistent labour market segmentation as evidenced by gender patterns in employment and occupational mobility? What is the impact and potential of various formalisation policies in several MENA countries? An overview of the informal economy across middle-income MENA countries (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine and Tunisia) is provided with respect to taxonomy, coverage and drivers. Transition matrices and multinomial logistic regressions are applied to longitudinal microdata from Labour Market Panel Surveys (in Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia), focusing on workers’ occupational mobility regarding their pre-existing status, age cohort, gender and other demographics. Persistent segmentation and low occupational mobility in all countries suggest that informal employment is not driven by choice on the labour supply side but by structural constraints on the demand side. Existing formalisation policies encapsulating distinct stick and carrot strategies, and targeting business versus workers achieve rather modest impacts. Promoting social and solidarity enterprises, and extending microfinance to informal enterprises are promising policies for the creation of decent jobs.

Social Safety Nets and Food Insecurity in MENA in the Time of COVID-19

Eman Moustafa
,
Afreximbank

Abstract

COVID-19 has significantly tested social protection systems in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Governments and non-governmental organizations have expanded social safety nets (SSNs) and/or distributed new cash transfers. We estimate whether SSNs have mitigated food insecurity in MENA during COVID-19, using a unique panel dataset of four MENA countries during November 2020–June 2021. We find that those who received non-usual government support in Tunisia were 15 percentage points (ppts) less likely to be unable to buy their typical amount of food due to price increases than those who did not receive support. We do not detect similar associations in Egypt, Jordan, nor Morocco. As for non-governmental organizations, we find that individuals who received non-usual support in Morocco and Jordan were, respectively, 22 ppts and 15 ppts less likely to report being unable to buy their typical amount of food due to decreased income. Our estimates also show that government SSNs have mitigated the negative effect of food insecurity on resorting to adverse coping strategies during COVID-19, especially selling assets.

Discussant(s)
Moamen Gouda
,
Hankuk University of Foreign Studies
Amira El-Shal
,
Cairo University
Vladimir Hlasny
,
UN ESCWA
Amirah Moharram El-Haddad
,
Cairo University
Eman Moustafa
,
Afreximbank
JEL Classifications
  • P0 - General